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The Bribed Soul: Ads, TV and American Culture

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Citation: 

From the introduction to the author's best-selling book, The Sponsored Life. Posted with permission of the author.

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How advertising transforms both our experience and identity into a "sponsored life."

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Television-watching Americans — that is, just about all Americans — see approximately 100 TV commercials a day. In that same 24 hours they also see a host of print ads, billboard signs, and other corporate messages slapped onto every available surface, from the fuselages of NASA rockets right down to the bottom of golf holes and the inside doors of restroom stalls. Studies estimate that, counting all the logos, labels and announcements, some 16,000 ads flicker across an individual's consciousness daily.

Advertising now infects just about every organ of society, and wherever advertising gains a foothold it tends to slowly take over, like a vampire or a virus. When television broadcasting began about 50 years ago, the idea of network that would air nothing but commercials was never seriously considered, not even when single-sponsor shows were produced straight out of the sponsor's ad agency.

But today, by the grace of cable, we have several such channels, including MTV and FYI, a proposed new channel that would run only ads. Similarly, product placement in the movies started small, with occasional Tab showing up in a star's hand, but now it's grown big enough to eat the whole thing. In its 1993 futuristic thriller Demolition Man, Warner Bros. not only scattered the usual corporate logos throughout the sets but also rewrote the script so that the only fast-food chain to survive the "franchise wars" of the 20th century was Taco Bell — which, in return, promoted the movie in all its outlets.

From the cradle to the rocking chair, American life marches to the steady beat of commercialism.

Even older, far statelier cultural institutions have had their original values hollowed out and replaced by ad values, leaving behind the merest fossil of their founders' purpose. Modernist masters enjoy art museum blockbusters only when they can be prominently underwritten by an oil company or telecommunications giant; new magazines are conceived, not on the basis of their editorial content but on their ability to identify potential advertiser and groom their copy to fit marketing needs.

As for all those television-watching Americans, hit on by those 16,000 paid (and tax-deductible) messages a day, they're even more vulnerable than their institutions. Most admakers understand that in order to sell to you they have to know your desires and dreams better than you may know them yourself, and they've tried to reduce that understanding to a science.

Market research, in which psychologists, polling organizations, trends analysts, focus group leaders, "mall-intercept" interviewers, and the whole panoply of mass communications try to figure out what will make you buy, has become a $2.5 billion annual business growing at a healthy clip of about 4.2 percent a year (after adjustment for inflation).

Yet even this sophisticated program for the study of the individual consumer is only a starter kit for the technological advances that will sweep through the advertising-industrial complex in the 1990s. Today, the most we can do when another TV commercial comes on — and we are repeatedly told that this is our great freedom — is to switch channels. But soon technology will take even that tiny tantrum of resistance and make it "interactive," providing advertisers with information on the exact moment we became bored — vital data that can be crunched, analyzed, and processed into the next set of ads, the better to zap-proof them.

Impressive as such research may be, the real master work of advertising is the way it uses the techniques of art to seduce the human soul. Virtually all of modern experience now has a sponsor, or at least a sponsored accessory, and there is no human emotion or concern — love, lust, war, childhood innocence, social rebellion, spiritual enlightenment, even disgust with advertising — that cannot be reworked into a sales pitch. The transcendent look in a bride's eyes the moment before she kisses her groom turns into a promo for Du Pont. The teeth gnashing humiliation of an office rival becomes an inducement to switch to AT&T.

In short, we're living the sponsored life. From Huggies to Maalox, the necessities and little luxuries of an American's passage through this world are provided and promoted by one advertiser or another. The sponsored life is born when commercial culture sells our own experiences back to us. It grows as those experiences are then reconstituted inside us, mixing the most intimate processes of individual thought with commercial values, rhythms, and expectations.

There is no human emotion or concern — love, lust, war, childhood innocence, social rebellion, spiritual enlightenment, even disgust with advertising — that cannot be reworked into a sales pitch.

It has often been said by television's critics that TV doesn't deliver products to viewers but that viewers themselves are the real product, one that TV delivers to its advertisers. True, but the symbiotic relationship between advertising and audience goes deeper than that. The viewer who lives the sponsored life — and this is most of us to one degree or the other — is slowly re-created in the ad's image.

Inside each "consumer," advertising's all-you-can-eat, all-the-time, all-dessert buffet produces a build-up of mass-produced stimuli, all hissing and sputtering to get out. Sometimes they burst out as sponsored speech, as when we talk in the cadences of sitcom one-liners, imitate Letterman, laugh uproariously at lines like "I've fallen and I can't get up," or mouth the words of familiar commercials, like the entranced high school student I meet in a communications class who moved his lips with the voiceover of a Toyota spot.

Sometimes they slip out as sponsored dress, as when white suburban kids don the baggy pants and backward baseball caps they see on MTV rappers. Sometimes they simply come out as sponsor equations, as when we attribute "purity" and "honesty" to clear products like Crystal Pepsi or Ban's clear deodorant.

To lead the sponsored life you don't really have to do anything. You don't need to have a corporate sponsor as the museums or the movies do. You don't even have to buy anything — though it helps, and you will. You just have to live in America and share with the nation, or at least with your mall-intercept cohorts, certain paid-for expectations and values, rhythms and reflexes.

The chief expectation of the sponsored life is that there will and always should be regular blips of excitement and resolution, the frequency of which is determined by money. We begin to pulse to the beat, the one-two beat, that moves most ads: problem/solution, old/new, BrandX/Hero brand, desire/gratification.

In order to dance to the rhythm, we adjust other expectations a little here, a little there: our notions of what's desirable behavior, our lust for novelty, even our vision of the perfect love affair or thrilling adventure adapt to the mass consensus coaxed out by marketing. Cultural forms that don't fit these patterns tend to fade away, and eventually everything in commercial culture comes to share the same insipid insistence on canned excitement and neat resolution.

What's all the excitement about? Anything and nothing. You know you've entered the commercial zone when the excitement building in you is oddly incommensurate with the content dangled before you…through the sympathetic magic of materialism we learn how to respond to excitement: It's less important that we purchase any particular product than that we come to expect resolution in the form of something buyable.

Commercials are the tinny jingles in our heads that remind us of all we've abandoned in exchange for our materially comfortable lives — real extended families, real human empathy, real rebel prowess.

 
Author Bio: 

For 13 years, Leslie Savan wrote a column about advertising and commericial culture for The Village Voice and was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for criticism in 1991, 1992 and 1997. Her writing has appeared in Time, The New Yorker, The New York Times and Salon and she has been a commentator for National Public Radio.

Sexist Advertisements: How to see through the soft sell

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MediaValues

Citation: 

Research by Barbie White from Erving Goffman's
Gender Advertisements (1979).

This article originally appeared in Issue# 49
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Everyone has seen blatantly offensive advertisements that portray women
as sexual toys or victims of violence. Such irresponsible advertising has
rightly touched off cries of protest and organized action. The following
are some of the more subtle ways advertising reinforces cultural values
of subservience, domination and inequality between the sexes.


  1. Superiority.

  2. Three common tactics used to establish
    superiority are size, attention and positioning. Notice how
    both men and women in the Hanes ad appear subservient because
    of their positions below and behind their partners. The Gable
    Film Festival poster lends historical reference to the stereotype
    that women, like the one in back, fawn over men yet cannot hold
    their attention.


  3. Dismemberment.


  4. Women's bodies are often dismembered and treated as separate
    parts, perpetuating the concept that a woman's body is not connected
    to her mind and emotions. The hidden message: If a woman has
    great legs, who cares who she is?


  5. Clowning.


  6. Shown alone in ads, men are often portrayed as secure, powerful
    and serious. By contrast, women are pictured as playful clowns,
    perpetuating the attitude that women are childish and cannot
    be taken seriously.


  7. Canting.


  8. People in control of their lives stand upright, alert and ready
    to meet the world. In contrast, the bending of body parts conveys
    unpreparedness, submissiveness and appeasement. The Capri ad
    further exemplifies head and body canting. The woman appears
    off-balance, insecure and weak. Her upraised hand in front of
    her face also conveys shame and embarrassment.


  9. Dominance/Violence.

  10. The tragic abuse-affection cycle that many women are trapped in is
    too often glorified in advertising. Is the Revlon ad selling lipstick
    and nail polish or the idea that a woman must be kept under control?
    Note the woman's affectionate reward for her pleasant cooperation
    in being choked with her own pearls. It's not funny, Frank.


 

Beauty...and the Beast of Advertising

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MediaValues

This article originally appeared in Issue# 49
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"You're a Halston woman from the very beginning," the advertisement proclaims. The model stares provocatively at the viewer, her long blonde hair waving around her face, her bare chest partially covered by two curved bottles that give the illusion of breasts and a cleavage.
The average American is accustomed to blue-eyed blondes seductively touting a variety of products. In this case, however, the blonde is about five years old.

Advertising is an over 100 billion dollar a year industry and affects all of us throughout our lives. We are each exposed to over 2000 ads a day, constituting perhaps the most powerful educational force in society. The average American will spend one and one-half years of his or her life watching television commercials. The ads sell a great deal more than products. They sell values, images, and concepts of success and worth, love and sexuality, popularity and normalcy. They tell us who we are and who we should be. Sometimes they sell addictions.

Advertising is the foundation and economic lifeblood of the mass media. The primary purpose of the mass media is to deliver an audience to advertisers, just as the primary purpose of television programs is to deliver an audience for commercials.

Adolescents are particularly vulnerable because they are new and inexperienced consumers and are the prime targets of many advertisements. They are in the process of learning their values and roles and developing their self-concepts. Most teenagers are sensitive to peer pressure and find it difficult to resist or even question the dominant cultural messages perpetuated and reinforced by the media. Mass communication has made possible a kind of national peer pressure that erodes private and individual values and standards.

But what do people, especially teenagers, learn from the advertising messages? On the most obvious level they learn the stereotypes. Advertising creates a mythical, mostly white world in which people are rarely ugly, overweight, poor, struggling or disabled, either physically or mentally (unless you count the housewives who talk to little men in toilet bowls). In this world, people talk only about products.

Housewives or Sex Objects

The aspect of advertising most in need of analysis and change is the portrayal of women. Scientific studies and the most casual viewing yield the same conclusion: women are shown almost exclusively as housewives or sex objects.

The housewife, pathologically obsessed by cleanliness, debates the virtues of cleaning products with herself and worries about "ring around the collar" (but no one ever asks why he doesn't wash his neck). She feels guilt for not being more beautiful, for not being a better wife and mother.
The sex object is a mannequin, a shell. Conventional beauty is her only attribute. She has no lines or wrinkles (which would indicate she had the bad taste and poor judgment to grow older), no scars or blemishes--indeed, she has no pores. She is thin, generally tall and long-legged, and, above all, she is young. All "beautiful" women in advertisements (including minority women), regardless of product or audience, conform to this norm. Women are constantly exhorted to emulate this ideal, to feel ashamed and guilty if they fail, and to feel that their desirability and lovability are contingent upon physical perfection.

Creating Artificiality

The image is artifical and can only be achieved artificially (even the "natural look" requires much preparation and expense). Beauty is something that comes from without; more than one million dollars is spent every hour on cosmetics. Desperate to conform to an ideal and impossible standard, many women go to great lengths to manipulate and change their faces and bodies. The male cult of sexuality is an erection, in the event of erectile dysfunction a man loses his status, but all he needs to do to regain his sexuality is to take Cialis. A woman is conditioned to view her face as a mask and her body as an object, as things separate from and more important than her real self, constantly in need of alteration, improvement, and disguise. She is made to feel dissatisfied with and ashamed of herself, whether she tries to achieve "the look" or not. Objectified constantly by others, she learns to objectify herself.

When Glamour magazine surveyed its readers in 1984, 75 percent felt too heavy and only 15 percent felt just right. Nearly half of those who were actually underweight reported feeling too fat and wanting to diet. Among a sample of college women, 40 percent felt overweight when only 12 percent actually were too heavy. Nine out of ten participants in diet programs are female, many of whom are already close to their proper weight," according to Rita Freedman in her book Beauty Bound.

There is evidence that this preoccupation with weight is beginning at ever-earlier ages for women. According to a recent article in New Age Journal, "even grade-school girls are succumbing to stick-like standards of beauty enforced by a relentless parade of wasp-waisted fashion models, movie stars and pop idols." A study by a University of California professor showed that nearly 80 percent of fourth-grade girls in the Bay Area are watching their weight.

A recent Wall Street Journal survey of students in four Chicago-area schools found that more than half the fourth-grade girls were dieting and three-quarters felt they were overweight. One student said, "We don't expect boys to be that handsome. We take them as they are." Another added, "But boys expect girls to be perfect and beautiful. And skinny."

Dr. Steven Levenkron, author of The Best Little Girl in the World, the story of an anorexic, says his blood pressure soars every time he opens a magazine and finds an ad for women's fashions. "If I had my way," he said, "every one of them would have to carry a line saying, 'Caution: This model may be hazardous to your health.'" It is estimated that one in five college age women has an eating disorder.
Women are also dismembered in commercials, their bodies separated into parts in need of change or improvement. If a woman has "acceptable" breasts, then she must also be sure that her legs are worth watching, her hips slim, her feet sexy, and that her buttocks look nude under her clothes ("like I'm not wearin' nothin'").

The mannequin has no depth, no totality; she is an aggregate of parts that have been made acceptable.
This image is difficult and costly to achieve and impossible to maintain, no one is flawless and everyone ages. Growing older is the great taboo. Women are encouraged to remain little girls ("because innocence is sexier than you think"), to be passive and dependent, never to mature. The contradictory message--"sensual, but not too far from innocence"--places women in a double bind; somehow we are supposed to be both sexy and virginal; experienced and naive, seductive and chaste. The disparagement of maturity is, of course, insulting and frustrating to adult women, and the implication that little girls are seductive is dangerous to real children.

Influencing Sexual Attitudes

Young people also learn a great deal about sexual attitudes from the media and from advertising in particular. Advertising's approach to sex is pornographic; it reduces people to objects and deemphasizes human contact and individuality. This reduction of sexuality to a dirty joke and of people to objects is the real obscenity of the culture. Although the sexual sell, overt and subliminal, is at a fevered pitch in most commercials, there is at the same time a notable absence of sex as an important and profound human activity.

There have been some changes in the images of women. Indeed, a "new women" has emerged in commercials in recent years. She is generally presented as superwoman, who manages to do all the work at home and on the job (with the help of a product, of course, not of her husband or children or friends), or as the liberated woman, who owes her independence and self-esteem to the products she uses. These new images do not represent any real progress but rather create a myth of progress, an illusion that reduces complex sociopolitical problems to mundane personal ones.

Advertising images do not cause these problems, but they contribute to them by creating a climate in which the marketing of women's bodies--the sexual sell and dismemberment, distorted body image ideals and the use of children as sex objects--is seen as acceptable.

There is the real tragedy, that many women internalize these stereotypes and learn their "limitations," thus establishing a self-fulfilling prophecy. If one accepts these mythical and degrading images, to some extent one actualizes them. By remaining unaware of the profound seriousness of the ubiquitous influence, the redundant message and the subliminal impact of advertisements, we ignore one of the most powerful "educational" forces in the culture -- one that greatly affects our self-images, our ability to relate to each other, and effectively destroys any awareness and action that might help to change that climate.

 
Author Bio: 

Jean Kilbourne is internationally recognized for her pioneering work on alcohol and tobacco advertising and the image of women in advertising. She is the creator of several award-winning films, including Killing Us Softly: Advertising's Image of Women, Calling the Shots: Advertising Alcohol, and Slim Hopes: Advertising & the Obsession with Thinness. Her book Can't Buy My Love: How Advertising Changes the Way We Think and Feel won the Distinguished Publication Award from the Association for Women in Psychology. She is a Visiting Research Scholar at the Wellesley Centers for Women.

Three Stages of Political Advertising

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This article originally appeared in Issue# 63
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Writing in New York magazine during the l988 primary campaign, media experts Edwin Diamond and Stephen Bates, authors of The Spot: The Rise of Political Advertising on Television, pointed out that political advertising for each campaign follows a predictable three-stage cycle. Knowing the stages can help any viewer follow the fortunes of each candidate and avoid being manipulated by slick advertising techniques. Here's what to look for:

  1. Bio ads help candidates put their best faces forward. From Dukakis' stress on his immigrant background to spots featuring Robert Dole's Kansas hometown, candidates' introductory campaign ads emphasized their ties to the land and the common person.


  2. Issues, policies and programs appear in the second stage, which helps the candidates demonstrate leadership and distance themselves from the pack. When candidates are in trouble, they're apt to start switching issues.


  3. When candidates trail in the polls, they attack the opposition. The more financially strapped the campaign, the earlier the attacks.
 

Attacking Ageism in Advertising

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MediaValues

This article originally appeared in Issue# 45
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At AARP, Senior Stereotypes Give Way to Active Advertising

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An advertisement for a calcium dietary supplement, recently seen in numerous national magazines, depicts a woman's silhouette frame by frame as she moves rightward across a page. She is apparently aging before our eyes, growing progressively older and more stooped as she succumbs to osteoporosis. By the last frame she needs the support of a cane.

Another ad, obviously directed to the over-50 age group, pictures a stereotypical white-haired old lady leaning out of a car window and holding a glass of dark liquid. The headline reads: 'Prune Power To Go." Accompanying copy describes the virtues of a prune product in dealing with a failing digestive system.

Both ads reflect the lack of respect and fear of aging

 
Author Bio: 

Robert E. Wood is director of the publications division of the American Association of Retired Persons and publishing director of Modern Maturity magazine.

Tony Schwartz: The Man Who Invented Political Spots

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MediaValues

Citation: 

Trace the history and revisit the power of political advertising, including spots by Tony Schwartz, in the video, The Living Room Campaign.

This article originally appeared in Issue# 44
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An exclusive M&V interview with a Media Pioneer

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Tony Schwartz jokingly calls ABC, NBC and CBS the new political parties. Invariably, the remark draws a chuckle. But Schwartz isn't kidding. He's making a point about just how central the role of the media – particularly the electronic media– has become to the electoral process.

Shaking hands and kissing babies and getting out among the voters no longer means much to politicians. Today, says Schwartz, campaigns are won or lost in the living room, courtesy of the media. And he should know. He played a large part in shaping the current state of affairs. "Tony Schwartz, as much as any person, laid the foundation for modem political advertising,' says Sen. Warren Rudman (R-N.H.), one of hundreds of politicians for whom Schwartz has created ads over the past three decades. "I think he's one of the most brilliant, incisive people I've ever met."

Remember the Daisy TV spot that sank Barry Goldwater in 1964? The ad showed a little girl pulling the petals off a daisy, followed by an ominous voice counting down from 10 followed by a horrific nuclear explosion and Lyndon Johnson's voice speaking about the need to love one another to avoid nuclear war. Schwartz created it.

Or the spot in which the only response to the question of what sort of president Spiro Agnew might make was a voice hysterical with laughter? Schwartz created that one for the Humphrey-Muskie campaign, and, like Daisy it caused a stir. Both spots also illustrate the philosophy that underlies the Schwartz approach: Forget about trying to impart information about your candidate. Voters already have an opinion and have no experience of solutions anyway. Instead, create sensory impressions to evoke an emotional response.

"Tony Schwartz, as much as any person, laid the foundation for modem political advertising,"
– Sen. Warren Rudman (R-NH)

Use "presearch"– Schwartz is fond of coining words – to zero in on what voters are thinking, structure ads to connect to those concerns and leave the impression that your candidate also feels deeply about the problem and will do something about it when the time is right. "We are in the business of using public relations in a new manner, not in the old terms of press relations," he says. "We are using PR as 'peoples' reaction,' personal retrieval of feelings and associations."

But Schwartz, a rather soft-spoken man with a teddy-bear-like persona, is far more than just a commercial-maker. He is also a fervent believer in grass-roots media activism. The same media reality that is used to push presidential candidates and billion-dollar companies can be used by average citizens to get results where they live, he maintains. And if you use local radio – his favorite medium – it costs far less than you might imagine and can be far more effective than you think.

As an example, he points to a spot he created for the Center for Science in the Public Interest chiding McDonald's for frying its foods in fatty beef tallow rather than more healthful vegetable oil. He addressed it to "the chairman of the board at McDonald's," and broadcast it on the radio in Chicago where the corporation is headquartered.

The point was to 'shame" the individual with the power to alter the situation into taking action. And it worked. "Shame is one of the most powerful means of social control," Schwartz says.

Media activism techniques like these are described in a Schwartz-produced video tape that elaborates his media philosophy: Guerrilla Media: A Citizen's Guide to Using Electronic Media for Social Change. The techniques are usable by anyone with a little know-how, the will to use it and "a Radio Shack recorder," according to Schwartz.

As he says: "Local air time is surprisingly cheap. The best thing about radio is that people were born without earlids. You can't close your ears to it."

 
Author Bio: 

Ira Rifkin is an award-winning journalist specializing in issues relating to religion and culture, the Middle East, the American Jewish and Muslim communities, Eastern religions, new religious movements, and the impact of globalization. He is the author of Spiritual Perspectives on Globalization: Making Sense of Economic and Cultural Upheaval (SkyLight Paths, 2nd Edition, 2004).

Ads Pose Dilemma for Black Women

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MediaValues

This article originally appeared in Issue# 49
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For decades, Aunt Jemima, the Quaker Oats' pancake syrup symbol, has been one of the most-recognized trademarks in the world. A hefty figure in her red bandanna, she has also represented a stereotypical portrayal of the black woman.

In late 1989, Aunt Jemima turned 100. In an attempt to keep pace with the '90s and beyond, Quaker Oats celebrated her birthday with a facelift. They discarded the bandanna, subtracted a few pounds, and gave her a new makeup job. Adorned with a pretty lace collar, a Betty Crocker hairdo and small, feminine pearl earrings, she now looks like the "after" photo in a magazine makeover.

Like Quaker Oats, advertisers need to rethink their strategies regarding women of color. Whatever her image, until recently Aunt Jemima stood alone as almost the sole representative of minority women in advertising. For many years, advertisers shied away from using black models, particularly in advertisements for cosmetics and health and beauty aids.

Ironically, if they had done their homework they might have realized the economic potential of using minority women models in advertising these products. According to the American Health and Beauty Aids Institute, African-American women spend up to five times more on personal care products than the average consumer. In fact, by 1993 black women are expected to buy more than 50 percent of the health and beauty aids used in the U. S.

As advertisers awaken to these projections, women of color – better educated, more self-confident and affluent than ever before– are beginning to feel their purchasing power. As black journalist Karen Grigsby Bates wrote in Essence magazine: "I have refrained from sending my hard-earned dollars the way of companies that tell me I don't exist."

Although growing recognition and lessening of stereotypes are welcome, they present women of color with a dilemma. We must remember that we are wanted not for ourselves but for our growing importance in the consumer market. Although we seek full inclusion in society, do we really want to encourage our sisters to buy into the consumer economy promoted by advertising?

Maybe Ms. Bates is right, and as women of color we shouldn't use our green to purchase products until we see more black, brown, yellow and red female faces advertising them. But even when we do, we must remember that appreciation of our purchasing power is a consequence, not a cause, of fuller acceptance in society.


 
Author Bio: 

Dr. Marilyn Kern-Foxworth is an associate professor in the Department of Journalism at Texas A&M University. She is currently writing a book about the history and portrayal of blacks in advertising.

Imitations of Immortality: How Children Learn a Culture of Consumerism

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A mother reflects on how "commercial media teaches our children to settle for the pose. . .Our challenge as parents and educators is to lead children beyond the shallow poses sold by the media to the processes of a truly engaged life. It is, after all, the capacity to think deeply and independently that will lead to true accomplishment and the clearest expression of who they really are."

To access the full text of this thoughtful article, click here.

This article originally appeared in a special Symposium Issue on Media Literacy and Arts Education,in Arts Education Policy Review, Vol. 102, No. 6; p. 23-24, July/August, 2001.

Reused with permission of the Helen Dwight Reid Educational Foundation. Published by Heldref Publications, 1319 18th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036-1802. Copyright © 2001

 
Author Bio: 

Elizabeth Lewis is a Washington writer who has worked in the U.S. Senate on arts and education issues.

Images of Men in Advertising

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MediaValues

This article originally appeared in Issue# 48
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"What is a man?"

This may seem like an odd question to be asking, but it's one that's answered all the time in print ads and television commercials. Ads and commercials, with their images of cowboys, successful businessmen, construction workers, sophisticates in tuxedos, muscle men and others, advertisements may seem to be flashing by casually. But they actually represent countless – if often unconscious– decisions by writers, advertisers, producers, programmers and others about what men look like, say and even think.

As each ad answers the questions: "What images of men will sell my product to men? To women?" They shape viewers' images of men as well. Stale Roles and Tight Buns, a video and slide-show project of the men's cooperative OASIS (Men Organized Against Sexism and Institutionalized Stereotypes), freeze-frames these images for a closer look at what they say about contemporary cultural constructions of masculinity.

Advertising narrows the definition of what it means to be a man.

According to the advertising archetypes presented, men are in charge, self-contained and often alone. When shown with other men, they seem ready to unleash their aggression at any moment. When shown with women, they must be dominant. The male body can be used to sell any product, but whatever the fashion, the air of aloofness and barely controlled power is palpable.

Chosen from among the thousands of selections in mainstream media by OASIS volunteers, these images of men from hardhats building dams to captains of industry rewarding themselves with the best whiskey– are powerful and disturbing. Only a few more recent ads focus on men in families, men with children, or men shown in partnership with women or other men.

In general, these concentrated views of manhood suggest the many ways in which advertising negatively affects men by narrowing the definition of what it means to be a man in American society. Upon re-viewing them I realized anew how much the role of the strong, silent, authoritarian, militaristic and threatening male pervades societal ideals. Although it's neither realistic nor a positive role to emulate, it also shapes men's views of themselves and how they measure up to masculine role models.

Typically, my students at California State University/San Bernardino have a difficult time learning to step back and analyze these images. Although they may be familiar with the issues presented by women's liberation, the concept of men reacting against male social roles is a radical new idea. Innovative programs like this video and slide show can certainly help.

Fortunately, although the creators of Stale Roles do give scope to the stereotypes, they didn't stop there. A few advertisers have begun to concentrate on another view of masculinity by portraying images of men who are gentle, caring, sensitive– even able to hold babies. Such images offer alternative social roles for men unwilling or unable to restrict themselves to the role of the strong, silent loner on horseback. Instead, they affirm the idea that men, like women, experience a broad range of feelings and emotions.

Stale Roles' primary value, then, is as a tool that uses the media itself to strip away the mask that society has insisted men wear. The recognition that men need not deny their feelings and pretend to be something other than what they really are is the first step toward more complete images of men. Only when we understand ourselves can we demand that this understanding be reflected in the media.

NOTE: Produced in the late 1980's Stale Roles and Tight Buns is no longer available, except perhaps in video libraries. The ideas in the video and in this review, however, are fundamental to critical analysis of male images in advertising and are still useful today.

 
Author Bio: 

Tom Nakayama is Professor of Communication and Director of Asian Pacific American Studies at Arizona State University. He is an affiliate faculty of Women's Studies and Justice and Social Inquiry. He has held visiting positions at the University of Iowa, University of Maine, and was a Fulbright scholar at the Universite de Mon-Hainaut in Belgium.

Bill Moyers on Political Ads

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MediaValues

This article originally appeared in Issue# 44
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I don't buy the argument that political spots undermine democracy. In a way they serve democracy by reaching more people in a single instant than a whistlestop campaign ever could or a speech or a stump. When William Jennings Bryan was running for president, his speeches sometimes lasted three hours. Imagine him trying that on a television audience that's come to expect fast, fast, fast relief.

One thing to be said for political spots is that they enable political candidates to choose their message on their terms. The politician is not left to the mercy of newspaper editors or television producers, looking for that ten second excerpt that fits the reporter's script. The fact is, candidates can say a lot in thirty seconds that a voter should know about them or their opponent. And I'm not worried that they'll carry the day. No spot has the last word. We have news reports, the opposition's campaign, other publications, and our own common sense against which to measure its claims.

— Bill Moyers

 

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